Class 7 Social Science Chapter 4: New Beginnings: Cities and States NCERT Solutions
All 4 questions with collapsible Solution and Expert Solution. Tap a button to reveal the working.
Questions
Q 4.1
Consider the quotation at the start of the chapter and discuss
in several groups. Compare your observations and conclusions on what
Kautilya recommends for a kingdom. Is it very different today?
Concept used. The quotation is from the Arthashastra,
a treatise on statecraft written by Kautilya, chief minister to
the first Maurya emperor, Chandragupta Maurya. It lists the qualities
Kautilya believed a kingdom's land must have. Reading it closely means
picking out each separate recommendation and asking what purpose it
served then, and whether a country still needs the same thing today.
Fig. 4.1, NCERT Exploring Society: India and Beyond, Class 7 Social Science, Chapter 4. The ruins of Rajagriha, capital of the Magadha mahajanapada, illustrate exactly the kind of fortified capital Kautilya recommends in the quotation.
"Protected by fortifying the capital and the towns at the
frontiers." Kautilya wants strong defence: walls and forts
around the capital and the border towns, so enemies cannot walk
in easily. Fig. 4.1 shows exactly this kind of fortified capital
at Rajagriha. Today, this idea survives as border security,
armed forces, and guarded frontier posts.
"The land should sustain the population but also
outsiders in times of calamities." The kingdom must grow enough
food not only for its own people but also for refugees during a
famine, flood or war. Today this matches disaster relief
planning, foodgrain reserves and emergency shelters for
displaced people.
"Cultivable land, mines, timber forests, elephant
forests, and good pastures rich in cattle." Kautilya wants a
variety of natural resources: farmland, minerals, wood, war
elephants and grazing land for cattle. Today, a country still
wants a mixed resource base, mines and forests are still
strategic assets, though elephants have been replaced by tanks
and machinery.
"It should not depend only on rain for water. It should
have good roads and waterways." This calls for irrigation
beyond just rainfall, and transport infrastructure. Today this
matches dams, canals, highways, railways and ports, which every
modern government still invests in.
"A productive economy with a wide variety of
commodities." The kingdom should produce and trade many
different goods, not depend on just one product. This is the
ancient version of what economists today call a diversified
economy, so that a shock to one sector does not collapse the
whole system.
Kautilya's Arthashastra recommends a fortified capital and
frontier towns, land that can support both citizens and refugees in a
crisis, a variety of natural resources, irrigation and transport beyond
rainfall, and a diversified, trade-friendly economy. Most of these ideas,
defence, disaster preparedness, resource management, infrastructure and
economic diversification, are still central to how countries are run
today, only the specific technologies (tanks instead of elephants, canals
and dams instead of simple waterways) have changed.
DR
Devika Rao
M.A. Political Science, University of Delhi
Verified Expert
Strategic angle. I read Kautilya's quotation the way a modern
political scientist reads a country's founding constitution: as a list of
the functions of the state. Every clause in the quotation maps
onto a function that states still perform, which is why the exercise of
"comparing with today" works so cleanly.
Security function. Fortified capitals and frontier
towns correspond to national defence: standing armies, border
forces and fortified installations exist for the same reason
Rajagriha's walls did, to prevent an outside power from simply
marching in.
Welfare function. Land that can feed both citizens and
outsiders "in times of calamities" is an early statement of what
we now call a welfare or disaster-relief function of
government, feeding and sheltering people when normal life
breaks down.
Resource-management function. Naming mines, forests and
pastureland explicitly shows that Kautilya treated natural
resources as state assets to be managed, not left to chance,
exactly how ministries of mines, environment and agriculture
operate today.
Infrastructure function. Roads, waterways and
irrigation are the ancient equivalent of a public-works
department: a state that does not rely only on rain is a state
that has invested in infrastructure.
Economic function. A "productive economy with a wide
variety of commodities" is a call for economic diversification,
precisely the same advice a modern economic advisor would give
a government dependent on a single export.
The five functions above (security, welfare, resources, infrastructure,
economy) are still the five things any government is judged on. What
has changed since Kautilya's time is the scale and the technology, not
the underlying logic of what a kingdom, or a country, needs to survive
and prosper.
Kautilya's quotation maps onto five state functions, security,
welfare, resource management, infrastructure and economic diversity,
that every modern government still performs; only the tools have
changed, not the underlying logic.
Q 4.2
According to the text, how were rulers chosen in early Vedic
society?
Concept used. A janapada was a clan-territory headed by
a raja or ruler. Each janapada also had an assembly or council,
called sabha or samiti, where clan matters were
discussed; these two words first appear in the Vedas, India's most
ancient texts. The chapter describes two different patterns for how a
ruler came to power, depending on the type of mahajanapada.
Fig. 4.3, NCERT Exploring Society: India and Beyond, Class 7 Social Science, Chapter 4. The map of the sixteen mahajanapadas locates Vajji (VRIJJI) and Malla, the two states whose rulers were chosen by their assembly rather than by heredity.
The general, hereditary pattern. In most mahajanapadas
(Magadha, Kosala, Avanti and others), the position of raja was
hereditary: a raja's son would usually succeed him. The raja was
not supposed to rule alone or arbitrarily; he was expected to
take advice from the sabha or samiti of elders, as well as from
ministers and administrators. According to some texts, an
incompetent ruler could even be removed by the assembly, though
this was not a fixed, established law.
The gana-sangha exception. At least two mahajanapadas,
Vajji (or Vrijji) and neighbouring Malla, worked differently.
Here, the sabha or samiti held more power and took major
decisions through discussion, and, if necessary, through a vote.
Surprisingly, this included the selection of the raja himself.
Because the assembly chose the ruler, these states were not
monarchies; scholars call this system an early republic.
Why the evidence must be read carefully. The chapter
reminds us that the surviving textual evidence for this remote
period is incomplete, so we should treat "an assembly could
remove a ruler" as a significant possibility recorded in some
texts, not as proof of a universal, codified law.
In most mahajanapadas, the raja's position was hereditary,
passed from father to son, though he was expected to rule with the
advice of the sabha or samiti. In Vajji and Malla, however, the
sabha/samiti itself chose the raja through discussion and vote, making
these two mahajanapadas early, assembly-based republics rather than
monarchies.
AR
Aditya Rathi
M.A. Ancient History, Deccan College Post-Graduate Research Institute
Verified Expert
Comparative angle. I find it useful to place the sixteen
mahajanapadas on a single spectrum, from "pure hereditary monarchy" at
one end to "assembly rule" at the other, rather than treating them as
one uniform type of state.
Most states sit near the monarchy end. Magadha, Kosala
and Avanti had a raja whose son typically inherited the throne.
The sabha/samiti still existed, but its role was advisory:
elders and ministers were consulted, though the raja held final
authority.
Vajji and Malla sit at the assembly end. Here the
sabha/samiti did not merely advise; it deliberated and voted on
major questions, including who would be raja. Ancient writers
later called such states ganas or sanghas, and modern historians
call them early republics because a governing body, not a
single bloodline, held sovereign authority.
The map confirms the pattern is regional, not random.
Fig. 4.3 shows Vajji and Malla sitting next to each other in the
eastern Ganga plains, near Vaishali and Kushinara, suggesting
that this alternative political tradition took root in a
particular neighbourhood rather than appearing everywhere at
once.
Why this matters. Recognising that ancient India held both
hereditary monarchies and elected gana-sanghas side by side, at the same
time, corrects the common assumption that all ancient kingship was
strictly hereditary; early republican ideas existed here well before
they are usually associated with other ancient civilisations.
Most mahajanapadas had a hereditary raja advised by the
sabha/samiti; Vajji and Malla instead had the sabha/samiti select the
raja by discussion and vote, an early republican pattern rather than
strict heredity.
Q 4.3
Imagine you are a historian studying ancient India. What types
of sources (archaeological, literary, etc.) would you use to learn more
about the mahajanapadas? Explain how each source might contribute to
your understanding.
Concept used. Historians reconstruct a period with no living
witnesses by combining different types of historical sources.
The chapter names two main kinds used for the mahajanapadas:
archaeological evidence (physical remains dug up from the
ground, including coins) and literary evidence (ancient texts
that describe the period). Using more than one type lets a historian
cross-check one source against another.
Archaeological excavations of cities. Digging at sites
such as Rajagriha and Kaushambi has confirmed that fortified,
moated cities really existed where the texts say the
mahajanapadas' capitals stood. This tells a historian about city
planning, fortification techniques and the physical scale of
these early urban centres.
Numismatic (coin) evidence. Punch-marked coins, made
first of silver and later of copper and gold, survive from many
ancient cities of north India.
Fig. 4.6, NCERT Exploring Society: India and Beyond, Class 7 Social Science, Chapter 4. Punch-marked coins from various ancient cities of north India, a key piece of numismatic evidence for the mahajanapadas' economies.
Studying the symbols punched onto these coins tells a historian
which mahajanapada issued them, and the fact that coins from
neighbouring regions circulated together shows that trade
crossed political boundaries.
Literary evidence. Late Vedic, Buddhist and Jain
literature is full of references to the new urban centres, and
gives the more frequently repeated list of sixteen
mahajanapadas. Such texts contribute names, political events and
social details that stone and coins alone cannot supply.
Regional excavation evidence beyond the Ganga plains.
Southern sites such as Kodumanal, near Erode in Tamil Nadu, have
yielded shell and gemstone industries that show craft
production and long-distance trade in the far south, a period
and region the northern mahajanapada texts barely mention.
Fig. 4.9, NCERT Exploring Society: India and Beyond, Class 7 Social Science, Chapter 4. Shell and gemstone industries excavated at Kodumanal, Tamil Nadu, complement archaeological evidence from the north with a southern perspective.
Cross-checking one source against another. A historian
would compare what the ancient Tamil literature says about
southern kingdoms with what excavations at sites like Kodumanal
physically confirm, the same method used to confirm that the
mahajanapadas the late Vedic, Buddhist and Jain texts describe
genuinely existed as excavated cities.
A historian studying the mahajanapadas would combine
archaeological excavations of cities (fortifications, layout), numismatic
evidence (punch-marked coins showing trade and individual issuing
states), literary evidence (Vedic, Buddhist and Jain texts naming rulers
and states) and regional excavations such as Kodumanal (craft and trade
in the south), cross-checking each source type against the others to
build a reliable, well-rounded picture.
KS
Kavya Subramaniam
M.A. Archaeology, Deccan College Post-Graduate Research Institute
Verified Expert
Fieldwork angle. As someone trained to read a trench before a
text, I would rank sources by how directly they let me touch the past,
then explain what each one adds that the others cannot.
Start with the ground. Excavated fortifications, house
plans, moats and gateways at capitals like Rajagriha or
Shishupalgarh are the most direct evidence: they were built,
used and abandoned by the people I am studying, with no
copying errors or later editing to worry about.
Add portable finds. Coins are a special class of
artefact because they carry symbols and were exchanged across
regions; Fig. 4.6 shows that different mahajanapadas issued
their own designs, so a coin found far from its home region is
direct proof of trade contact.
Bring in text last, and read it critically. Vedic,
Buddhist and Jain literature supplies names, dates and political
detail no stone can, but these texts were composed by particular
communities with their own viewpoints, so I would treat them as
one voice among several, not as unquestionable fact.
Do not let one region stand for the whole
subcontinent. Kodumanal (Fig. 4.9) reminds me that the
mahajanapada story is a northern and central Indian story;
southern India developed its own urban and trade networks on a
similar timescale, documented separately in early Tamil
literature and its own excavations.
Why this matters. A historian who used only texts might
overstate how organised or documented ancient governance was, while one
who used only archaeology might miss the political ideas (like the
gana-sangha assemblies) that only survive in writing. The two together
give a fuller and more honest picture.
The strongest reconstruction of the mahajanapadas combines
excavated cities and fortifications, punch-marked coins showing trade
and political boundaries, Vedic/Buddhist/Jain literary references, and
regional sites such as Kodumanal, so that no single, potentially biased
source has to carry the whole historical picture alone.
Q 4.4
Why was the development of iron metallurgy so important for
the growth of urbanism in the 1st millennium BCE? You may use points
from the chapter but also from your knowledge or imagination.
Concept used.Iron metallurgy is the technology of
extracting iron from ore and shaping it into tools and weapons.
Urbanism (city life) needs a food surplus large enough to
support people who are not farmers, such as traders, craftspeople,
soldiers and administrators. Connecting these two ideas explains why a
change in metal technology could trigger a change in how people lived
together.
Fig. 4.5, NCERT Exploring Society: India and Beyond, Class 7 Social Science, Chapter 4. A panel of the Sanchi stupa depicting a smithy, where workers bring firewood and water, stoke the fire and beat the iron.
Better farming tools meant more food. Iron ploughshares,
sickles and axes are harder and hold a sharper edge than bronze
ones. By the late 2nd millennium BCE, iron tools had become
widespread, letting farmers clear forest for new fields and till
heavier soils, which raised the amount of food each farmer could
grow.
More food meant a surplus, and a surplus meant
specialists. Once farmers grew more grain than their own
families needed, that extra food could feed people who did not
farm at all: metalworkers (Fig. 4.5 shows exactly such workers
at a smithy), traders, potters, weavers, priests, soldiers and
rulers. A city is, at its core, a place full of such
non-farming specialists.
Iron weapons changed the scale of political power.
Iron swords, spears, arrows and shields were lighter and sharper
than bronze equivalents. Stronger armies could conquer and hold
larger territories, which is part of how smaller janapadas
combined into much bigger mahajanapadas by the 8th-7th centuries
BCE.
Iron tools built the cities themselves. Quarrying stone
and shaping timber for city walls, gateways and moats, such as
the fortifications seen at Rajagriha, needed durable iron tools;
without them, building and maintaining large fortified capitals
at scale would have been far slower.
Extending the idea with reasoning of my own. Iron tools
likely also allowed farmers to dig wells and irrigation
channels through harder ground, so that fields no longer had to
sit right next to a river to get water reliably. This would have
let settlements grow at more places across the Ganga plains, not
only along the riverbanks, spreading the new urban and
agricultural pattern faster.
Iron metallurgy mattered because sharper, stronger iron tools
raised farm output, and that food surplus could feed the traders,
craftspeople, soldiers and rulers who do not grow their own food but who
make up a city. Iron weapons also strengthened armies, helping
janapadas combine into larger mahajanapadas, while iron tools made
possible the quarrying, building and irrigation work that large
fortified capitals required.
YT
Yash Trivedi
M.Sc Metallurgical Engineering, IIT Kharagpur
Verified Expert
Materials-science angle. Working with metals every day taught
me why the switch from bronze to iron was such a turning point: it is not
just a different metal, it is a completely different economics of tool-
making.
Iron ore is far more abundant than the tin and copper
that bronze needs. Bronze requires copper and tin to be mined,
often from separate, far-apart deposits, and combined in the
right ratio. Iron ore, by contrast, occurs widely in the hills
near the Ganga plains, so many more communities could access
the raw material once they learned to smelt it.
Iron holds a sharper cutting edge under repeated use.
A bronze blade dulls and bends faster than a well-worked iron
blade. For farming, this means an iron sickle or axe stays
useful through far more seasons of clearing and harvesting
before it needs to be reforged, which lowers the ongoing cost
of farming with metal tools.
Cheaper, more available tools reach more farmers, not
just an elite few. Because iron was more abundant and, once the
smelting technique was mastered, cheaper to produce at scale
than bronze, ordinary farming communities across a wider area
could afford metal tools, not only the wealthy or the ruling
class. That is what allowed a food surplus to appear across many
regions at once, not just around a few favoured centres.
The same logic applies to weapons. An iron sword or
spearhead can be produced in larger numbers, more cheaply, than
a bronze one requiring imported tin, which is part of why
mahajanapada armies of the 1st millennium BCE could be larger
than earlier Bronze Age forces.
Why this matters. The real lesson from materials science is
that a technology changes history not only because of what it can do,
but because of how cheaply and widely it can be made. Iron's abundance,
not just its hardness, is why it reached enough farmers, builders and
soldiers to genuinely reshape the scale of Indian society.
Iron's wide availability and its sharper, longer-lasting edge
made metal tools and weapons cheap enough to reach ordinary farmers and
larger armies, driving the food surplus, city-building and political
consolidation that defined the Second Urbanisation.